Til Death Do Us …Together?
Stephanie Roderick
Over the course of history, cultural influences have altered the definition of marriage in order to accommodate the needs and demands of various societies. Haviland et. al note that a marriage is a union between two or more people who abide by cultural principles regarding spousal, parental, and legal obligations. What constitutes a marriage, however, varies by religion, government, region, and time period (Haviland et. al 2010). Depending on the society, different forms of marriage are acceptable (Schwartze 2010). Marriage can include, but is not limited to, the traditional monogamous relationship between one man and one woman, the less conventional monogamous union between two women or two men, and the polygamous relationship between one man and multiple women or multiple men and one woman. Group marriages between multiple men and multiple women, although rare, exist as well. Additionally, some societies practice a form of marriage where both spouses are already deceased or one spouse is deceased while the other is very much alive (Schwartze 2010). These “ghost marriages” are particularly prevalent in Singapore-Chinese customs in Southeast Asia, the Atuot culture of South Sudan, and certain northern Japanese customs. Although rare on a global scale, the practice of ghost marriage as exemplified in these three cultures continues to challenge the meaning behind and significance of the concept of marriage (Schwartze 2010).
To start, the Singapore-Chinese practice Mingun is the organization of posthumous relationships most commonly between two deceased individuals (DeBarnardi 2011). Although less frequent, marriages between the living and the dead also exist (DeBarnardi 2011). Schwartze (2010) documents possible motives for this practice. One is to appease the spirit of a deceased family member. It is customary in Singapore-Chinese culture that older brothers marry before their younger brother. Should an older brother die before marrying, the family arranges a ghost marriage in order to satisfy his spirit. After this union is complete, the younger brother is free to marry. The family need not fear the wrath of the older deceased brother’s disapproval (Schwartze 2010). Another reason some Singapore-Chinese people practice this tradition is to provide families whose sons have died unmarried with daughters-in-law (DeBarnardi 2011). These daughters-in-law will then help their deceased husband’s family with day-to-day tasks. The deceased husband’s family does expect the daughter-in-law, however, to take a vow of celibacy (DeBarnardi 2011). A final reason Singapore-Chinese people employ ghost marriages is to link families together, forming new kinship groups (Schwartze 2010). This is most frequently seen in the arrangement of marriages between two deceased individuals. In order to finalize the union, the body of the female is exhumed and reburied next to her husband. Occasionally these marriage ceremonies coincide with the funeral of one of the spouses, whether male or female (Schwarze 2010).
Additionally, the Atuot culture of South Sudan practices a similar style of marriage. Unions generally take place between one deceased male spouse and one living female spouse (Burton 1978). This is unlike the tradition of the Singapore-Chinese where marriages often consist of two deceased individuals. (DeBarnardi 2011). One reason behind these unions is the succession of the male’s family lineage. Schwartze points out, “If a man died unmarried or without an heir, a ghost marriage was performed for him, and any children the wife might beget were considered the children of the deceased man in name” (Schwartze 2010: 86). That is to say, despite the absence of a biological connection, children born to the wife and the brother of the deceased are considered the children of the deceased (Burton 1978). These children, however, are sometimes negatively viewed as orphans in the Atuot culture as a result of these types of ghost marriage (Burton 1978). Additionally, another reason why the Atuot practice ghost marriages is to acquire and secure property such as cattle (Verdon 2011). When a man dies, his son inherits his cattle. If the man dies without a male heir, his brother inherits his cattle, but the brother must use a portion of the profit earned from the cattle to pay the dowry for his deceased brother’s new bride (Verdon 2011). Moreover, given that any son born to a deceased man’s wife and her new husband is considered the deceased man’s son, the cattle is sure to remain in the deceased man’s patrilineal group (Schwartze 2010). Likewise, if the man dies and he only has daughters, the oldest daughter can assume the role of the male and take a wife. The new wife will hopefully produce a male heir with time, and this male heir will later inherit the cattle (Schwartze 2010). In short, ghost marriages in the Atuot culture play an important role in the continuation of male lineage and the distribution of property.
Unlike the Atuot of South Sudan or Singapore-Chinese customs in Asia, select groups of Japanese people practice a unique form of ghost marriage in which the deceased’s spirit is married to a doll (Schwartze 2010). Schattschneider notes that the switch from marrying deceased and living to deceased and doll took place around the 1930s in northeastern Japan. At that time, Japanese men were dying in mass numbers due to wars (Schattshneider 2001). Instead of finding suitable women for the abundance of deceased men, the Japanese began to use dolls (Schwarze 2010). These dolls can still be acquired today in temples or even in department stores (Schwartze 2010). For a one-time fee of somewhere between $100 and $400, families can purchase a “bride doll” or “groom doll” for their deceased’s spirit (Schattschneider 2001). These dolls symbolize the couple during the ceremony. One represents the spirit of the deceased male or female; while the other represents the spirit of the spouse he or she will be joined to in matrimony. Once the ceremony is complete, a picture of the deceased groom is placed alongside the bride doll in a case. The two objects remain in the case for about thirty years. After thirty years, the Japanese believe that the spirit is ready for rebirth (Schattschneider 2001). This is very much a spiritual practice. Additionally, these “bride doll marriages” serve as a coping mechanism for the deceased’s family (Schattschneider 2001:856). Taking part in the exchange between the living and the dead provides the family with comfort. The family also takes comfort in the belief that the dolls are protecting them from misfortunes such as illness. On a final note, the dolls are also believed to promote the growth of a child’s soul into adulthood (Schattschneider 2001). Schwartze explains that surviving family members use the dolls as a way to symbolically allow a child’s spirit to pass through the stages of life. This prevents the child’s spirit from becoming resentful (Schwartze 2010). Similar to their Atuot and Singapore-Chinese counterparts, Japanese ghost marriages bring peace to the deceased and his or her family.
In conclusion, it is evident that the ghost marriage traditions of the Singapore-Chinese, the Atuot of South Sudan, and various Japanese people are both rare and unique examples of the various meanings marriage represents. Across these three cultures, the marital unions similarly focus on pleasing the dead. Nevertheless, each culture has unique motives and reasoning behind their respective traditions. While the Singapore-Chinese and Atuot cultures use marriage to appease the spirits of their older brothers and secure property, the Japanese use ghost marriages as a way to appease any spirit of either sex and no transfer of property is involved whatsoever. Additionally, the Japanese practice is purely spiritual and religious, whereas the Singapore-Chinese and Atuot practices take on a physical importance where family names must be passed down and cattle must be traded. In the context of the global community, however, these are but three examples of the ever-changing, ever-debated concept of marriage.
Works Cited
Burton, John. "Ghost Marriage and the Cattle Trade among the Atuot Ofthe Southern Sudan." Ajrica:Journal O Fthe International African Institute (1978): 403. Digital Commons @ University of Nebraska-Lincoln. University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Web. 2 May 2013.
DeBernardi, Jean and Marjorie DeBarnardi. "Ghost Marriages among the Singapore Chinese." : Cantonese Society in Hong Kong and Singapore Gender, Religion, Medicine and Money Hong Kong Scholarship Online. 29. Hong Kong Scholarship Online, Sept. 2011. Web. 02 May 2013.
Haviland, W., Prins, H., Walrath, D., & McBride, B. (2012). The Essence of Anthropology. Cengage Learning.
Schattschneider, Ellen. ""Buy Me a Bride": Death and Exchange in Northern Japanese Bride-Doll Marriage." American Ethnologist 28.4 (2001): 854-80. Print.
Schwarze, Lucas J., “Grave Vows: A Cross-Cultural Examination of the Varying forms of Ghost Marriage among Five Societies” (2010). Nebraska Anthropologist. 85-90. Paper 60.
Verdon, Michael. "Where Have All Their Lineages Gone? Cattle and Descent Among the Nuer." Wiley Online Library. 571-575. John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 28 Oct. 2011. Web. 2 May 2013
To start, the Singapore-Chinese practice Mingun is the organization of posthumous relationships most commonly between two deceased individuals (DeBarnardi 2011). Although less frequent, marriages between the living and the dead also exist (DeBarnardi 2011). Schwartze (2010) documents possible motives for this practice. One is to appease the spirit of a deceased family member. It is customary in Singapore-Chinese culture that older brothers marry before their younger brother. Should an older brother die before marrying, the family arranges a ghost marriage in order to satisfy his spirit. After this union is complete, the younger brother is free to marry. The family need not fear the wrath of the older deceased brother’s disapproval (Schwartze 2010). Another reason some Singapore-Chinese people practice this tradition is to provide families whose sons have died unmarried with daughters-in-law (DeBarnardi 2011). These daughters-in-law will then help their deceased husband’s family with day-to-day tasks. The deceased husband’s family does expect the daughter-in-law, however, to take a vow of celibacy (DeBarnardi 2011). A final reason Singapore-Chinese people employ ghost marriages is to link families together, forming new kinship groups (Schwartze 2010). This is most frequently seen in the arrangement of marriages between two deceased individuals. In order to finalize the union, the body of the female is exhumed and reburied next to her husband. Occasionally these marriage ceremonies coincide with the funeral of one of the spouses, whether male or female (Schwarze 2010).
Additionally, the Atuot culture of South Sudan practices a similar style of marriage. Unions generally take place between one deceased male spouse and one living female spouse (Burton 1978). This is unlike the tradition of the Singapore-Chinese where marriages often consist of two deceased individuals. (DeBarnardi 2011). One reason behind these unions is the succession of the male’s family lineage. Schwartze points out, “If a man died unmarried or without an heir, a ghost marriage was performed for him, and any children the wife might beget were considered the children of the deceased man in name” (Schwartze 2010: 86). That is to say, despite the absence of a biological connection, children born to the wife and the brother of the deceased are considered the children of the deceased (Burton 1978). These children, however, are sometimes negatively viewed as orphans in the Atuot culture as a result of these types of ghost marriage (Burton 1978). Additionally, another reason why the Atuot practice ghost marriages is to acquire and secure property such as cattle (Verdon 2011). When a man dies, his son inherits his cattle. If the man dies without a male heir, his brother inherits his cattle, but the brother must use a portion of the profit earned from the cattle to pay the dowry for his deceased brother’s new bride (Verdon 2011). Moreover, given that any son born to a deceased man’s wife and her new husband is considered the deceased man’s son, the cattle is sure to remain in the deceased man’s patrilineal group (Schwartze 2010). Likewise, if the man dies and he only has daughters, the oldest daughter can assume the role of the male and take a wife. The new wife will hopefully produce a male heir with time, and this male heir will later inherit the cattle (Schwartze 2010). In short, ghost marriages in the Atuot culture play an important role in the continuation of male lineage and the distribution of property.
Unlike the Atuot of South Sudan or Singapore-Chinese customs in Asia, select groups of Japanese people practice a unique form of ghost marriage in which the deceased’s spirit is married to a doll (Schwartze 2010). Schattschneider notes that the switch from marrying deceased and living to deceased and doll took place around the 1930s in northeastern Japan. At that time, Japanese men were dying in mass numbers due to wars (Schattshneider 2001). Instead of finding suitable women for the abundance of deceased men, the Japanese began to use dolls (Schwarze 2010). These dolls can still be acquired today in temples or even in department stores (Schwartze 2010). For a one-time fee of somewhere between $100 and $400, families can purchase a “bride doll” or “groom doll” for their deceased’s spirit (Schattschneider 2001). These dolls symbolize the couple during the ceremony. One represents the spirit of the deceased male or female; while the other represents the spirit of the spouse he or she will be joined to in matrimony. Once the ceremony is complete, a picture of the deceased groom is placed alongside the bride doll in a case. The two objects remain in the case for about thirty years. After thirty years, the Japanese believe that the spirit is ready for rebirth (Schattschneider 2001). This is very much a spiritual practice. Additionally, these “bride doll marriages” serve as a coping mechanism for the deceased’s family (Schattschneider 2001:856). Taking part in the exchange between the living and the dead provides the family with comfort. The family also takes comfort in the belief that the dolls are protecting them from misfortunes such as illness. On a final note, the dolls are also believed to promote the growth of a child’s soul into adulthood (Schattschneider 2001). Schwartze explains that surviving family members use the dolls as a way to symbolically allow a child’s spirit to pass through the stages of life. This prevents the child’s spirit from becoming resentful (Schwartze 2010). Similar to their Atuot and Singapore-Chinese counterparts, Japanese ghost marriages bring peace to the deceased and his or her family.
In conclusion, it is evident that the ghost marriage traditions of the Singapore-Chinese, the Atuot of South Sudan, and various Japanese people are both rare and unique examples of the various meanings marriage represents. Across these three cultures, the marital unions similarly focus on pleasing the dead. Nevertheless, each culture has unique motives and reasoning behind their respective traditions. While the Singapore-Chinese and Atuot cultures use marriage to appease the spirits of their older brothers and secure property, the Japanese use ghost marriages as a way to appease any spirit of either sex and no transfer of property is involved whatsoever. Additionally, the Japanese practice is purely spiritual and religious, whereas the Singapore-Chinese and Atuot practices take on a physical importance where family names must be passed down and cattle must be traded. In the context of the global community, however, these are but three examples of the ever-changing, ever-debated concept of marriage.
Works Cited
Burton, John. "Ghost Marriage and the Cattle Trade among the Atuot Ofthe Southern Sudan." Ajrica:Journal O Fthe International African Institute (1978): 403. Digital Commons @ University of Nebraska-Lincoln. University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Web. 2 May 2013.
DeBernardi, Jean and Marjorie DeBarnardi. "Ghost Marriages among the Singapore Chinese." : Cantonese Society in Hong Kong and Singapore Gender, Religion, Medicine and Money Hong Kong Scholarship Online. 29. Hong Kong Scholarship Online, Sept. 2011. Web. 02 May 2013.
Haviland, W., Prins, H., Walrath, D., & McBride, B. (2012). The Essence of Anthropology. Cengage Learning.
Schattschneider, Ellen. ""Buy Me a Bride": Death and Exchange in Northern Japanese Bride-Doll Marriage." American Ethnologist 28.4 (2001): 854-80. Print.
Schwarze, Lucas J., “Grave Vows: A Cross-Cultural Examination of the Varying forms of Ghost Marriage among Five Societies” (2010). Nebraska Anthropologist. 85-90. Paper 60.
Verdon, Michael. "Where Have All Their Lineages Gone? Cattle and Descent Among the Nuer." Wiley Online Library. 571-575. John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 28 Oct. 2011. Web. 2 May 2013